The Cossack era in Ukrainian history was marked by a unique system of self-governance in which elections played a central role. One of the clearest expressions of Cossack democracy was the election of the Hetman and other officers during public assemblies called the “Cossack Rada.” This tradition originated in the Zaporizhian Sich and became an integral part of Cossack political life. It stood in stark contrast to the monarchies that ruled most of Europe at the time and testified to the high level of political culture and organization among Ukrainians.
The Cossack Rada — The Heart of the Sich
The Cossack Rada was the highest governing body in the Zaporizhian Sich. It handled major issues of internal and foreign policy, justice, and leadership. Every Cossack had the right to vote, regardless of rank or merit — a vivid contrast to the autocratic systems elsewhere in Europe.
These assemblies usually took place two or three times a year — on October 1 and on the second or third day after Easter. However, if needed, any Cossack could call for a rada at another time. During military campaigns, meetings were held wherever the troops were stationed.
The General (Military) Rada included all Cossacks — Zaporizhian, city-based, and registered. Even Orthodox clergy and, during uprisings, peasants and townspeople who joined the Cossack ranks were allowed to participate. It was a true people’s assembly, where anyone could speak and influence decisions. Although the senior officers (“starshyna”) eventually gained more influence, the common Cossacks (“cherne”) remained an active political force.
The Hetman Election Ceremony
The election of a Hetman (or the Sich’s commander) developed over centuries into a formal ritual. After church service and a communal meal, Cossacks gathered on the square. A cannon fired, and a drummer beat the kettledrum. The senior officers emerged carrying the regalia of authority — known as “kleinody.”
The Sich first elected the Host Otaman, then the other officers — the judge, secretary, quartermaster, etc. The elections were often heated. By tradition, the newly elected Otaman would reject the mace twice before accepting it the third time. To remind him of equality, older Cossacks would sprinkle his head with sand or smear it with mud. He would then bow in all four directions and the Cossacks would swear loyalty to him.
This ritual carried deep symbolic meaning. The sand symbolized humility, reminding the Hetman he was still one of the people. The repeated refusals signaled that power was a duty, not a privilege. The oath of loyalty forged unity and discipline — essential for any functioning army.
Hetman and the Starshyna
In the Sich, the term “Hetman” was interchangeable with “Host Otaman.” After the Liberation War (1648–1654), the title Hetman became associated with the head of most of Ukraine, while in Zaporizhia, the Otaman title remained. When the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth refused to recognize Cossack authority, leaders were simply called “the Elder.”
The Hetman was the supreme military commander. During wartime, all Cossacks had to obey him. Yet his authority was balanced by the General Starshyna (senior officers) and the Council of Officers, which functioned as a kind of cabinet or senate.
The Starshyna included seasoned warriors. Roles included the Quartermaster (artillery), the Judge, the Secretary, the Osavul (assistant to the Hetman), the Banner-Bearer, and the Mace-Bearer. These posts combined military and civil duties — for example, the Osavul maintained order both in the camp and within the Sich itself.
Although the General Rada’s decisions were final, the Starshyna often steered outcomes through their authority and experience. Still, elections placed the leadership firmly under the people’s control.
Cossack Elections and Customary Law
Cossack elections were based on unwritten laws — customary rights. These traditions were so strong that they were even reflected in written sources like the 1710 Constitution of Pylyp Orlyk, where electoral procedures were described as a natural process of legitimizing power.
The right to vote and to be elected was seen as inherent to every Cossack. Even newcomers who had not yet completed training could participate. This underscores how deeply Cossacks valued personal freedom and equality.
Still, influence varied. Older and more experienced Cossacks often spoke first and shaped opinion. Final decisions, however, were made collectively. Another notable trait was the regularity of elections. Assemblies were held not only to choose leaders but to reaffirm their powers annually — ensuring accountability.
Types of Cossack Radas
In addition to general assemblies of the entire Host, smaller-scale councils also existed:
- Councils of senior officers to prepare proposals;
- Local Cossack councils in towns;
- District (palanka) councils to elect colonels;
- Company councils to elect company commanders.
Councils were labeled according to participation: “black” councils included the common Cossacks (“the crowd”), “general,” “official,” or “public.”
Officer councils took place before major assemblies. Though technically informal, their recommendations carried weight. Town-based Cossack councils chose local officers and handled community matters. One such example is the 1625 council in Kaniv during Marko Zhmailo’s uprising.
Palanka councils chose colonels, while in company units (“kurins”) — both military and domestic — Cossacks elected company heads who oversaw discipline and represented them at the general rada.
Cossack Councils in the Hetmanate
During the Liberation War, general Cossack councils gained national importance. At the 1648 rada, Bohdan Khmelnytsky was elected Hetman and the decision to revolt was made. As the Hetmanate evolved, the rada became its highest legislative body.
Councils were held in cities like Korsun, Chyhyryn, and Pereiaslav. Representatives of nobility, townsfolk, and clergy also participated. They debated foreign policy, military campaigns, and reforms.
But as Hetmans consolidated power, councils met less often. Eventually, they became mostly ceremonial. The last truly popular council was the Black Rada in Nizhyn in 1663. Later councils only involved select regimental delegates, mainly to confirm treaties and elect Hetmans approved by Moscow.
This shift reflected the growing aristocratization of Cossack elites, who sought to entrench their privileges. Still, local elections in regiments and hundreds preserved the idea of accountability.
Moscow’s Interference and the Decline of Councils
After the 1654 Pereiaslav Agreement, Moscow’s influence over Ukraine steadily increased. From 1659–1674, royal envoys participated in Cossack councils and often dictated outcomes. On the Right Bank under Polish control, councils ceased entirely in the 1670s, with brief revival under Semen Paliy.
On the Left Bank, councils lost real power by the 18th century. They remained as formalities — Hetmans were chosen in St. Petersburg. Only in the Zaporizhian Sich did democratic councils survive regularly until the Sich was destroyed in 1775. With the loss of autonomy in the 1780s, the tradition vanished.
This decline was caused by Russia’s push for centralized control. Peter I and his successors sought to eliminate local autonomy. The Hetmanate became just another province. Cossack councils, once vibrant symbols of self-rule, became obsolete.
Notable Cossack Councils
To better grasp their scope and impact, here are key Cossack councils:
- 1648 – Election of Bohdan Khmelnytsky as Hetman at the Zaporizhian Sich;
- 1654 – Pereiaslav Council agreeing to alliance with Moscow;
- 1657 – Council in Korsun after Khmelnytsky’s death;
- 1659 – Council in Hermanivka electing Yurii Khmelnytsky;
- 1663 – Black Rada in Nizhyn electing Ivan Briukhovetsky;
- 1669 – General Council in Hlukhiv electing Demian Mnohohrishny;
- 1669 – Council in Uman supporting Petro Doroshenko;
- 1684 – Council in Mohyliv-Podilskyi approving alliance with Poland.
These councils were defining political events in 17th-century Ukraine. Each had its own context, but all embodied the spirit of self-governance.
Cossack Councils in Culture and Art
Cossack democratic traditions live on not only in documents but also in folklore and art. Epic songs and legends celebrate the people’s right to elect leaders and uphold justice.
One such tale is the “Duma of Khmelnytsky and Barabash,” recounting how the Cossack council removed a treacherous officer and supported Khmelnytsky — reflecting the 1647 rada that preceded the uprising.
Artists from Ilya Repin to Mykola Samokysh depicted the dramatic tension of these assemblies. Writers like Taras Shevchenko, Panteleimon Kulish, and Mykola Gogol portrayed the Cossack electoral spirit in literature, embedding it in Ukrainian identity. Even today, street names, cultural institutions, and scholarly work preserve the memory of Cossack councils.
Modern Lessons from Cossack Democracy
Despite their historical context, Cossack traditions offer universal democratic lessons:
- Power must be accountable to the people. Elections and recall are key tools of control;
- Decisions should be made collectively, with open discussion — to prevent tyranny;
- Leaders must serve the public good, guided by wisdom and ethics;
- Citizens must stay politically engaged. Apathy breeds decay;
- Democratic traditions must be nurtured. Even if repressed, they never truly vanish.
Reflecting on these principles is vital for modern Ukraine. Our legacy of self-rule remains a foundation for real democracy. It shows that freedom and civic responsibility are not abstract ideas — they were lived, practiced, and fought for.
Conclusion
The Cossack system of electing leaders — symbolized by the election of the Hetman — was a rare democratic model in its time. It reflected the Cossacks’ commitment to liberty, equality, and self-governance. Though eventually dismantled by external powers, it left a powerful legacy in Ukrainian political culture.
Cossack councils became symbols of national dignity and civic strength. They proved that even without formal laws, a united community could govern itself through open decision-making.
This legacy inspired generations of Ukrainian patriots. It reminds us that democracy must be rooted in the people’s will — and defended by active participation. As Ukraine builds its modern state, the Cossack tradition offers not just pride in the past, but a blueprint for the future.